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THE HISTORY Of<'.


THE HOLDEN-MAROLT SITE


IN ASPEN, COLORADO:


THE H.()LDEN LIXIVIATION WORKS, FA}lM1NG AND RANCHING, AND 'f'dE MAROLT RANCH;


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By Lysa Wegman-French For the Aspen Historical Society


lJnder the auspices of the Roaring Fork Research Scholarship Sponsored by Ruth Whyte


October 1990


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Copyright 1990, Lysa Wegman-French

TABLE OF CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION 1

PART ONE: MILLING AND THE HOLDEN LIXIVIATION WORKS 5

WHY HOLDEN? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5

WHY ASPEN? 8

WHY LIXIVIATION? 12

WHAT HAPPENED IN THE SAMPLING BUILDING? 20

THE PHYSICAL PLANT 30

THE SILVER ECONOMY 40

WAS THE HOLDEN COMPANY SUCCESSFUL? 43

AFTER THE HOLDEN WORKS CLOSED 47

THE MAN 47

THE PLANT 48

THE CONCENTRATION PERIOD 50

THE THATCHER MILL 51

THE STARK MILL 52

THE NEW HAMPSHIRE YEARS 54

CONCLUSION 55

PART TWO: FARMING AND RANCHING. 57

SETTLEMENT 1879 - 1889 57

THE UTE RESERVATION AND THE LAND RUSH 58

TRUCK GARDENING 64

CROPS 65

ANIMAL FORAGE - NATIVE 65

ANIMAL FORAGE - CULTIVATED 66

FOOD 68

STOCK 71

CATTLE 71

HORSES 75

IMPLEMENTS AND TECHNIQUES 78

IRRIGATION 81

OCCUPATIONS 82

AN AVERAGE FARM IN THE ROARING FORK VALLEY 83

COMMERCIALIZATION, ORGANIZATION AND CONFRONTATION,

1890 - 1910'S 87

CATTLE 87

SHEEP 89

POTATOES 91

IRRIGATION 95

ASSOCIATIONS 95

FARMERS' ASSOCIATIONS 95

STOCKGROWERS ASSOCIATIONS 99

GRAZING ON PUBLIC LANDS 100

THE MAROLT RANCH, 1881 - 1986 107

THE MIDLAND RANCH 107

MAROLT FAMILY HISTORY 110

MIKE AND OPAL MAROLT BUY THE RANCH 114

OPAL PETERSON MAROLT FAMILY HISTORY 114

STRUCTURES ON THE RANCH FROM THE HOLDEN WORKS 115

OFFICE/HOME 115

SAMPLING WORKS/GRANARY 115

SALT WAREHOUSE/BARN 116

SHEDS 117

REMAINS OF THE MILL 117

STRUCTURES ON RANCH NOT FROM HOLDEN WORKS 118


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EARLY OPERATIONS OF THE MIKE MAROLT RANCH 118

ANIMALS 118

CATTLE 118

OTHER ANIMALS 120

CROPS 120

OTHER ACTIVITIES 121

LATER OPERATION OF MAROLT RANCH 121

SUMMARY 123

APPENDIX A: 125

RUSSELL LIXIVIATION MILLS 125

APPENDIX B: 126

EMPLOYEES OF THE HOLDEN SMELTING AND MILLING CO 126

APPENDIX C: 128

DITCHES AND CANALS IN WATER DISTRICT 38 128

APPENDIX D: 129

COMPONENTS OF MIDLAND RANCH 129

APPENDIX E: 130

AGRICULTURAL STATISTICS AND GRAPHS 130

BIBLIOGRAPHY 136

MILLING 136

FARMING AND RANCHING 149


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INTRODUCTION

There was widespread excitement in Aspen, Colorado in the fall of 1890. "The sweet day dreams of those who have longed to see Aspen a great city are about to be realized," the Aspen Times declared. Edward Royal Holden had announced that his company would build a reduction works and a manufacturing plant on the edge of town. The company also planned to build a town nearby, and an electric street railway, to provide rapid transit between the suburb and the city. The financiers had already signed papers to purchase over 400 acres, and would invest hundreds of thousands of dollars in the projects. The reduction works would use the new Russell process of lixiviation [licks­ i-vee-A-shun], to treat low grade silver ores,' which would "revolutionize old methods and create a new era in the mining industry." The Times reported that the mill would profitably treat ore as low as 11 ounces of silver to the ton. The newspaper estimated that 35,000 tons of low grade ore would be mined weekly in the district if it could be treated profitably. In addition, there were many mine dumps containing thousands of tons of ore which contained at least 11 ounces of silver per ton. The Holden company said that the mill would start with 40 stamps, with a capacity of 100 tons per day.' However, they planned to install several hundred stamps eventually, and projected they would employ 3,000 men. The newspaper also pointed out that more men would be employed mining low grade ores. It was predicted that Aspen would boom and more than double its

population in only a few years. The newspaper crowed that the city would take on "a new era of prosperity."'

Over the next few years, some of these dreams came true, and some went unfulfilled, disappearing without a trace. The manufacturing plant and the new town never appeared. However, the mill opened in November 1891; it was one of the largest and


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1 Lixiviation wa a method of extracting silver by dissolving it in chemical solutions. Ore was the natural aggregate of rock which contained valuable metal. Usually a large portion of tl1e ore consisted of valueless material (gangue). Low grade ores contained a relatively small amount of silver. This will discussed more completely later in the report.



"This was the mine that made Horace Tabor rich in 1878.

Leadville City Directory (Leadville: Corbett & Ballenger, 1883-1887).

A sampling works bought ore from a nwnber of mines and shipped larger lots to smelters at a better rate. The price paid for the ore was based on a "sample" of the whole ore shipment. The sample was assayed to detennine its value.


" Aspen Weekly Times, 7 March 1885, 1; and Teetor, 66.

Aspen Weekly Times hereafter referred to as AWT.


"Aspen Weekly Times, 22 April 1893, 4; and "Mr. Holden Removed," ADT, 10 November 1891, 3.

Aspen Weekly Times hereafter referred to as AWT.


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EDWARD R. HOLDEN


Henry Dudley Teator, ''Smelting and Refining in Colorado: Edward Royal Holden,'' Magazine of Western History 10 (1889): 65.


first time that year. Eight years later Holden built his own lixiviation plant across the creek, and shared a property line with the smelter.13

That experience apparently influenced him, because Holden became convinced that smelter owners made the profits in the mining industry. A mine operator took a lot of risks, he reasoned, and might not ever strike a good vein. If the miner did strike one, it might play out. If he had ore, he had to pay transportation and smelting costs, and rely on the smelter to be honest about the assay value. The smelter owner, on the other hand, drew his business from a variety of mines and so reduced his risks. The miners came to him, and he was in control of the ore. So Holden decided to go into the smelting

business.14

Over a period of seven years Holden was president of five ore reduction facilities.

In 1886 he and Chanute built the Holden Smelter in the Denver area. Holden was president and general manager. During this time Aspen's Rocky Mountain Sun referred to Holden, "of Denver smelting fame," as "one of the best smelting men in the state."" However, the Holden Smelter had borrowed heavily from the Colorado National Bank, and in the winter of 1886-87 was on the verge of bankruptcy.1' Holden resigned as president; the bank took over the company and reorganized it as the well known Globe Smelter and Refining Company.

Meanwhile, Holden had convinced his Leadville friend Meyer Guggenheim that owning a smelter was the way to make money, and they decided to start a smelter together. Holden and Guggenheim organized the Philadelphia Smelting & Refining Co., and built the large smelter in Pueblo in 1888. Holden was president and general manager. Holden and the Guggenheim family had disagreements, and after a year, he sold the Guggenheims his 49% interest in the Philadelphia smelter.1' The smelter man next formed



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News," EMJ 53, no. 21 (21 May 1892): 552.

American Institute of Mining Engineers Transactions referred to hereafter as AIME Transactions.


of the silver extraction industry. A reasonable place to begin is with definitions and explanations of terms and processes.1

There were two main ways to extract silver from ore in the nineteenth century: pyrometallurgy (smelting), and hydrometallurgy (milling: amalgamation or leaching).

  1. Pyrometallurgy (fue)

A. Smelting - ores heated until they were molten and then components separated by their melting points

  1. Hydrometallurgy (liquid)

    1. Amalgamation mills - mercury brought in contact with silver to form an alloy (amalgam)

      1. Pan processes - ore, mercury, copper sulphate and water mixed in large pan and heated

      2. Other processes - patio, plate, and barrel

    2. Lixiviation or leaching mills - silver dissolved in solution

      1. Von Patera process - silver chloride dissolved in a solution of sodium hyposulfite

      2. Russell process, a modification of the Patera process - used an extra solution of sodium-copper thiosulfate

      3. Cyanide process - silver dissolved in a cyanide solution (not used successfully until early 1900's.


Smelting had a high extraction rate of silver; but in earlier years smelting costs, and transportation charges, had been high so this process was restricted to high grade ores.

However, over time improvements led to price reductions. But smelting costs varied with ore types. High lead ores were less expensive to work than refractory ores. As a result, refractory, low grade ore were usually left in the ground because of the additional cost.

In amalgamation, liquid mercury attracted silver particles and formed an alloy called an amalgam. The silver in the amalgam could then be easily separated from the mercury. Amalgamation was effective on simple ores, but was ineffective with refractory ores.

Amalgamation was often less expensive than smelting, but the percent yield was lower. It


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' For a good overview of milling and smelting technology see Don L. Hardesty, The Archaeology of Mining and Miners: A View from the Silver State, Special Publication Series, no. 6 (Ann Arbor, Michigan: The Society for Historical Archaeology, 1988), 38 - 66; and Otis Young, Western Mining, (Norman: University of Oklahoma, I970).


was often practiced when there was no nearby smelter. Usually the introduction of railroads into an area made smelting of high grade ores more profitable than amalgamation.

The third basic way to retrieve silver was lixiviation, which obtained silver through chemical leaching. First, the ore was crushed to expose the minerals to treatment. Then silver was converted into a soluble form; the most common method was the chloridizing roast, in which ore and salt were roasted to produce silver chloride. (Chloridizing was often used in amalgamation also.) Next, the silver was dissolved in a chemical solution, and then recovered by precipitation.

Lixiviation could be more appropriate than smelting in certain situations.

Lixiviation required less fuel. The operation could be carried on near the mine, thereby saving transportation costs. Lixiviation was especially used on dry, low grade ores, which would not be profitable to smelt. Silver ores with a large percentage of lead or copper were reduced better through smelting.

The Austrian mining engineer Von Patera and his countryman Guido Kustel introduced lixiviation in the United States in 1874. Kustel's nephew Ottokar Hofmann designed and operated the first successful lixiviation plant at Silver King, Arizona in 1880. The Von Patera process roasted the ore with salt, then soaked it in a solution of sodium hyposulfite (thiosulfate), Na,S ,O, , in water. The silver chloride dissolved in the solution, and was drained off in the liquid (this is used today to develop black and white film).

The resulting silver sulfide was precipitated from this solution by adding sodium or

calcium sulfide.' The earlier methods of lixiviation were inapplicable to some ores because the solutions did not dissolve certain forms of silver. In addition, lead and copper were precipitated together with the silver, which was not desirable.

For years metallurgists had tried to develop processes that treated low grade ores more effectively at less cost. In 1884 Edward H. Russell (assayer at the Ontario mill in Park City, Utah) patented an improvement of the Von Patera process that promised to be the answer.' He first treated the crushed, roasted ore with an "ordinary" solution of sodium hyposulfite, as in the Von Patera process. Then Russell leached the ore with an "extra" solution. He made the "extra" solution by adding copper sulfate, CuS0 4 , to the


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9 Godshall, "A Review of the Russell Process," 312-16.


10 C. A. Stetefeldt, "The Stetefeldt Furnace," AIME Transactions 24 (February 1894): 20.

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''The latest design of the Stetefeldt furnace, as built at the Holden mill, Aspen, Colorado,''


Stetefeldt, C, A. ''The Stetefeldt Furnace,'' AIME Transactions 24 (February 1894): 5.


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they would have saved about $5,000 of silver per month. Unfortunately, the equipment started operating only a few weeks before the Works closed, so the results are not known.11

Leaching was the second step that was a concern. After roasting, the ore was charged (loaded) into large wooden tanks. One at a time, three types of liquids were released into the vats from the top, then drained from the bottom. The first liquid was water, which removed soluble salts. This washing, however, resulted in a decrease in chloridation, so the silver converted to an insoluble form. Morse noted that this had been a serious obstacle to the success of several leaching works, and Godshall observed that this trouble existed "to an alarming extent" with the Aspen ores, until adjustments were made.

Godshall and Morse had differing opinions about the cause, but both centered on problems with roasting in the Stetefeldt furnace." The Holden Mill leached the ore seven times, first with water, then ordinary solution, extra solution, ordinary solution, extra solution, ordinary solution, and finally water.13


Despite its higher recovery rates, the Russell process did have disadvantages when compared to the Patera process. The Russell process required a more complicated plant, and greater skill was needed to operate it successfully. In addition, the extra solution did not perfo1m better than the ordinary solution on some types of ore. The greatest objection to the Russell process was the cost of treating ore, which by 1893 was $10 per ton for a mill with a 100 ton per day capacity, and $12 per ton for a mill of 50 tons daily capacity." Given these drawbacks, it is reasonable to explore if other Russell plants were successful.

The Russell process was used in several locations, with mixed results. In February 1886, the Sierra Grande Co. at Lake Valley, New Mexico opened a large Russell plant,



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11 Godshall, "A Review of the Russell Process," 306; Morse, "The Lixiviation of Silver-Ores," 137; "Mr.

Holden's Views," AWT, 27 May 1893, l; and "Mining Notes," AWT, 1 July 1893, 2.

A photograph of Aspen shows tl1e smoke from the Holden Works hanging over the entire town. The condenser eliminated the smoke, which pleased the residents. The newspaper noted that "One noticeable feature is that the huge volume of smoke that formerly rolled from the tall chimney is absent." "The Holden Works Starts Up," ADT, 25 June 1893, 5.



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Holden Sampling Works Conjectural Reconstruction




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Practice of Ore Dressing (New • c"T--ri·f-C·r·•r1·H-r.+rr'i

York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1915),

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shovelful did not land exactly on the apex of the cone.26 However, in 1893 quartering was more common than machine sampling.27 By 1899 metallurgical works still tended to do sampling by hand, while public sampling mills often did their sampling by machine." By 1909 coning and quartering had been generally discarded because of its inherent errors."

The Holden Works used two Blake crushers, for initial crushing, and two sets of rolls for finer crushing.' 0 Blake crushers (or breakers) were the most popular type of jaw crusher, which were used for coarse breaking. They operated on the principle of a nut cracker. The rock was dropped into the wider end, on the top, and one side of the jaws moved towards the other. The rock broke under the pressure, and fell out the smaller bottom end. Jaw crushers were useful for breaking large quantities of material, when uniform sizing was not essential. A crusher broke the ore to a size of roughly one to two inches. The machines came in a wide range of sizes; it is not known what size crushers the Holden Works used.31

Blake crushers caused a great deal of vibration, which could cause the framework of a building to shake. Engineers suggested setting the machines on the ground, or constructing heavy foundations to absorb the shock.32 By examining the extensive foundation structure under the Holden sampling works it seems obvious that the company chose the latter option.

Rolls were used for finer crushing. The machine had two cylinders (or rolls), face to face, with parallel axes; the rolls revolved so the adjacent faces rolled downward. Rock was dropped between the rolls and was broken by the pinching action. The machines


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"' H, M. Kimball and B. T. Wells, "Metallurgical Sampling," The Bulletin of the Technical and Engineering Society of the Colorado School of Mines 2, no. 3, (May 1904): 19.


HOLDEN LIXIVIATION WOllKS


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ELEVATION OF A LIXIVIATION PLANT

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Fig. 17, Queen Rod 'Trusses, Fig, 18,


F. E. Kidder, Building Construction and Super­ intendence, part 3, Trussed Roofs and Roof Trusses (New York: William T. Comstock, 1906), 22.



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Exterior of sampling building from north east, 1990


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Queen rod trusses vnd r roof of sampling building Elevator support is to ert rear.


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brownish red.47 Large buildings such as mills and barns were painted with red mineral paint because it was inexpensive." The trim may have been painted with a cheap white lead paint.

The Holden site was served by two spurs of the Colorado Midland Railroad. One went along the west side of the sampling works, to deliver ore. The other came from the north and stopped about 120 feet north east of the sampling works. It delivered coal to the coal bin, and later picked up the refined silver from the sulphide refinery.49

The sampling works was on the level ground at the top of the hill, in a separate frame building with a shingle roof, about 150 feet west of the main mill building. (Sampling works were usually not directly connected to the mill or smelter.)50 The roof of the sampling works is supported by Queen-rod trusses. This type of truss uses a pair of vertical metal rods to support vertical stress. Since the length of rafter was over 12 feet, two additional braces were added to prevent distortion under uneven loads, although in severe cases they would not be sufficient. Trusses of this type were updated versions of Queen-post trusses in which all members were of wood." The machinery in the sampling house used water power, and electricity lit the building."

Surrounding the sampler on the east and south was a platform containing ore storage bins which held several thousand tons of ore. After the ore was sampled, it was mixed on the bedding floor. The lixiviation process required a variety of ores which were mixed to produce ores of appropriate composition for the treatment."


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64 EMJ, vol. 51, 332; Morse, "The Holden Lixiviation Works," 593; and Stetefeldt, Lixiviation, 2nd ed,

111.


R. C. Brown Papers, Box 12, Western Historical Collections, University of Colorado Library, Boulder; and "The Holden Works," AWT, 7 November 1891, 2.


" Morse to Bulkley; Morse, "The Lixiviation of Silver-Ores," 139; Department of the Interior, 201.


so Morse. "The Lixiviation of Silver-Ores," 146.


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45

$70,565 because it didn't recover all the silver it paid for. Although the profit on the working charge helped reduce the losses on silver extraction, it appears that the Holden Works had a profit of only $5,343 in 14 months.

There were two basic ways the company could have remedied the low profit: either cut costs or raise income. Cutting costs meant reducing the cost of treatment (labor, chemicals, etc.). Raising income could be accomplished either by increasing working charges, improving the extraction rate, or reducing the loss through roasting.

In February 1893 the mill cut costs by laying off six men. This was accomplished by extending the work shifts so there were two shifts with longer hours instead of three shifts."

Increasing working charges would have been difficult because the smelters and railroads had been decreasing their costs. Critics in Aspen complained that Holden's price was no better than the $5 to $6 smelting charges in Pueblo or Denver plus the $6 railroad freight.82 Thus, by increasing his charges, Holden would have priced himself out of competition.

The fact that the extraction rate on raw ore was so low (85.58%) was actually due to the loss of silver during roasting. The Holden Works extracted 94.21% of the silver in the ore that was roasted." This was a good rate for the Russell process and would have been difficult to improve.

During the 14 month period, 78,901.96 ounces of silver, worth about $68,644, was lost during roasting through volatilization and dust. If the company eliminated that loss, it would have operated at a profit of about $73,987 in 14 months. As we have seen, the Holden Works elected to try just that, by installing the smoke condenser. This improvement cost $25,000, but they expected to save $5,000 per month on the lost silver. The works were closed for nearly two months to install the equipment, and reopened June 23, 1893. If they had recovered their losses in roasting, it would have made the difference between a failing and profitable company. But the company never got the chance, because of the depression and the plunge in silver prices."


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" "Mr, Holden's Sin," Rocky Mountain News, 1 July 1893, 4.


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August 29. The legal and financial problems tied to this closing would haunt Holden for years, eventually leading to his declaring personal bankruptcy in 1900.88


The Holden Smelting and Milling Company in Aspen had been on the verge of being a successful company. It had borrowed a large amount of capital to build and operate the plant. It had some problems with the lixiviation process, which reduced the income. As a result, the company had probably operated with an insignificant amount of profit for the period from November 1891 to December 1892. In spite of this, the management apparently believed that the plant would be successful. In May 1893 Godshall recommended the process as a profitable one. That same month the plant invested $25,000 to install a smoke condenser; this indicates the company planned to continue operating for some time. If the condenser had succeeded in retrieving the lost silver, the company

would have operated at a comfortable profit. However, the plant closed only a few weeks after the installation, due to the silver panic of 1893. Like so many other companies, the Holden Works was ruined by the collapse of the silver market.


AFTER THE HOLDEN WORKS CLOSED: THE MAN

Edward R. Holden continued to have a checkered career. About the time the Aspen plant closed, the Holden Smelter in Leadville also closed. However, his mill in Cripple Creek was successful, due in part to the increase in gold mining after the silver panic. He was president of the Senator Gold Mining Company in 1896, based in Denver. In 1900 he was associated with a mining company in Jefferson County, Montana; during that time he declared bankruptcy due to the Aspen plant creditors. In 1903, an American company, one

E. R. Holden & Co., was implicated in mining stock fraud in London. It is unclear if Edward Royal Holden was involved with this. It was reported that a few years later he was seen selling newspapers at a cigar stand in the east. He came back to Cripple Creek, then built a mill in Mohave County, Arizona in 1915. Holden received eight patents


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" "Lixiviation Works Attached," AWT, 2 September 1893; Transfer of Deed of Trust, July 6, 1893, Deed Record Book 97, Pitkin County Courthouse, Aspen, Colorado; Writ of Attachment, August 29, 1893, Writ of Attachment Book 9, Pitkin County Courthouse, Aspen, Colorado; Union National Bank of Denver v. Edward

R. Holden, cases 3400, 3404 (Circuit Court 1896), National Archives, Denver; and EMJ 69, no. 10 (10 March 1900): 299.


concerning ore reduction from 1916 to 1920. In 1917 he was president of the Holden Mining and Milling Company of Elko County, Nevada, while he lived in Los Angeles."


AFTER THE HOLDEN WORKS CLOSED: THE PLANT

During 1893 to 1895 the Aspen Holden Works's creditors filed numerous law suits against the company and each other to try to retrieve their losses. Eventually, some of the creditors decided to join together to form a new corporation to operate the mill, and to divide the profits based on their respective claims.' They incorporated in April 1895 as the Aspen Union Smelting Company. The principal office was in Denver, with a branch office in Aspen.2 A similar situation had developed with Holden's plant in Leadville. There

were several common creditors between Holden's two plants, including the Union National Bank of Denver. The new company that was formed in Leadville in 1894 was called the Union Smelting Company.

The members of the board of directors of the Aspen Union Smelting Company were connected with creditors and/or were familiar with the mining industry. The Union National Bank hired attorney Lyndon S. Smith to organize both new companies, and he was president and a director of both.' Smith had practiced law in both Denver and Aspen. He specialized in mining and corporate law, and he was identified with many of the most important mining litigations in Colorado.' Roger W. Woodbury was on the board of directors for both companies. He became the president of the Union Bank of Denver in 1886, and continued as president when the bank reorganized as the Union National Bank of



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" Denver City Directory (Denver: Corbett & Ballenger, 1896); EMJ, 69, no. 10 (10 March 1900): 299;

"London," EMJ, 76, no. 18 (31 October 1903): 671-72; Denver Post, 13 July 1930, 6; "The Mining News," EMJ 100, no. 12 (18 September 1915): 495; U.S., Patent Office, Annual Report of the Commissioner of Patents (Washington: G. P. 0., 1917-1921); Walter Harvey Weed, The Mines Handbook: An Enlargement of the Copper Handbook, vol. 12 (New York: Stevens Copper Handbook Co., 1917), 587; and Los Angeles City Directory, (Los Angeles, 1917).



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Denver in 1890. Woodbury had personally loaned Holden's Aspen company almost

$47,000.5

Other directors of the Aspen Union Smelting Company were Charles L. Hill, John

  1. McNeil, and Frank Bulkley. Charles Leonard Hill was a prominent mining man in Colorado. He supervised several prominent mines, one of which was the A.Y. and Minnie mine in Leadville, owned by Charles Graham and Meyer Guggenheiru. Hill may have represented Graham's interests in the new Aspen Union Smelting Company. John McNeil was a mining engineer, and was secretary and manager of the Aspen Mountain Tunnel and Drainage Company. Frank Bulkley was general manager of J. B. Wheeler's Aspen Mining and Smelting Company; the J. B. Wheeler Banking Company was a Holden creditor.'

    The Holden Smelting and Milling Company deeded the Holden Tract to the Aspen Union Smelting Company in April 1895. The Aspen Union Smelting Company started operations in a portion of the Holden Works on May 13, 1895, less than a month after incorporating. The company operated only as a sampling business at the beginning, and planned to remodel and iruprove the sampling works. (It is unclear if the owners ever actually implemented this plan.) Meanwhile, they experiruented with methods of treating low grade ores, to detennine which one they would use in the mill.'

    One technique they investigated was the Crooke process. John J. Crooke, a noted Colorado mining man, developed a type of lixiviation siruilar to the Russell process, except for the precipitation. The details were kept secret by Crooke, but he used copper plates and obtained a pure silver product, instead of the sulphide of silver obtained in the Russell process.' Despite the investigation of milling processes, it appears that the Aspen Union


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7 "General Mining News," EMJ, 59, no, 21 (25 May 1895): 492; and "A Third Sampler," AWT, 18 May 1895,


There were other Crooke processes. William Crookes patented a process to extract silver and gold using sodium amalgam. There was another Crooke process which was used in smelters, and involved stirring the molten ore with lead. Willian1 Crookes, A Practical Treatise on Metallurgy, vol. 1 (London: Longmans, Green, and Co., 1868), 347; and Henry Collins, The Metallurgy of Lead and Silver, part 2, (London: Charles Griffin & Co,, 1900), 317-318,


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50

Smelting Company never opened the rest of the plant under its own administration.' Later it did lease part of the plant to concentrating companies.


THE CONCENTRATION PERIOD

"At no time in the history of mining has there been so much call for concentrating machinery as now, and the writer believes that we are just entering what may be tenned "the concentration period."'0


Concentrating became very important to the entire mining industry in the late 1890's for three reasons: mines produced predominantly low grade ores; a Colorado man invented the Wilfley table, a significantly better concentrating machine; and the development of a large smelting industry on the plains.

ln Aspen, and across the country, silver mines had depleted their high grade ores. If Aspen's low grade ore was sent to a smelter in Denver or Pueblo, transportation and smelting charges had to be paid on the full weight, the cost of which reduced or eliminated profits. This problem could be solved by concentrating, or dressing, the ore; that is, discarding some of the worthless material (gangue).

Ore dressing was the process of mechanically (rather than chemically) separating some gangue from the valuable minerals, thereby increasing the percentage of metal in the ore. The term was also applied to separating metals which in combination were not desirable in the smelting process. Concentration was a type of ore dressing that used water. Ore dressing was not an end process. Its products (concentrates which were 1/3 to 1/12 of the weight of the original) were shipped to smelters or mills.

Concentration had been practiced for years, though not always with satisfactory results. The Wilfley table (patented in 1895) revolutionized concentration because it generated significantly better yields at a low cost (about 85 cents per ton in 1899.)11 The table was about 18 feet long and 7 feet wide. The top was inclined, covered with linoleum, and had strips of wood, or riffles, across the surface. The crushed ore was fed at the upper comer, and water washed over it, while the table was vibrated mechanically.


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' "General Mining News," EMJ, 64, no. 25 (18 December 1897): 735.

F. L. Bartlett, "Concentrating Plants for Small Mines," EMJ, 65, no. 19 (7 May 1898): 549.


" Wascott, "Mining in Aspen District, Colorado," letter, Mining and Scientific Press, 79, no. 18 (28 October 1899): 492.


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The combination of the inclination, the riffles, water, gravity, and the motion of the table caused the heavier metals to accumulate, and the lighter material was washed away.

This new design of machinery satisfied Aspen's needs, and the town gained the distinction of having numerous concentrating mills. The plants were instrumental in keeping the Aspen mines open, by enabling them to operate at a profit.


THE THATCHER MILL

During the concentrating period, the Holden Works would have been a sensible location for a such an operation. The buildings, crusher, stamps, water and railroad access were all available. The Argentum-Juniata and Mollie Gibson mining companies wanted to jointly install a concentrator in the old Holden plant, and negotiated for it in December 1897. Apparently, however, the negotiations were not successful because later that same month the Aspen Union Smelting Company leased part of the Holden plant to George W. Thatcher, who remodeled it as a concentrator.12

Captain George Thatcher was a well known, early Aspen pioneer, who was active in the community. He was instrumental in the successful drive to form Pitkin County. The captain was given credit for convincing capitalists to build the first smelter in Aspen (the North Texas Mill), and he was the marshall of the parade at the completion of the Rio Grande Railroad into Aspen. Thatcher had been manager of the Little Rule, Durant and Compromise mines, and had interests in a number of other mines."

Thatcher's contract with the Aspen Union Smelting Company covered the southern part of the Holden Works. It included the sampling works, the office and assay room, the stamps, the mill power plant, the blacksmith shop, water rights, and all railroad side tracks. The owners gave him permission to change the location of a crusher and a set of rolls from the sampling works (to use them with the concentrating tables) but he had to return the machines to their original position at the end of the lease. Thatcher was also given permission to erect a building on the site, and to put a new electric dynamo in the power house where the former dynamo was set. The lessee was to take care of the leaching


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acquainted with stockmen and ranches across the state. He was appointed to the office of state inspector of cattle, horses and sheep, under the State Sanitary Board."

The Stark mill was a custom mill, and had a capacity of 100 tons per day; it used a different process from the Thatcher mill. First the stamps pulverized the ore to a size that would pass through a 40-mesh screen. It was then sized by an upward current of water against a descending stream of pulp.20 The heavier sizes were conveyed to Wilfley tables and the slimes to V-shaped boxes, where the settled pulp was treated on Prue vanners.21 Stark claimed that the combination of the two systems - the Wilfley table for the coarse sand and the Prue vanner for the slimes - saved 70% of the valuable metals.22

By the time the Stark mill was operating, it was proudly reported that Aspen had more concentrating works than any other section in the West. The Smuggler mine had two concentrating plants, one for silver-lead ores and one for silver-zinc ores. The Mollie Gibson and Argentum-Juniata mining companies operated a large joint mill. The Famous Mining Company had a concentrating plant which treated the Little Annie group of mines."

Because the Stark mill was the only custom mill in the camp, it depended on mines that didn't have their own concentrating mills. During a portion of 1900 the Stark mill was idle from a lack of ore supply. However, late that year it was used as a test mill on

D. R. C. Brown's Della S. and Homestead mines ores, so the mill was running full time.24 However, the next year Brown built his own mill to treat the ore from his numerous mines.25 It was a critical blow to the Stark mill to lose that business, and the plant subsequently closed.


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" AT, 3 June 1882, 3.


"George L. Anderson, "The El Paso Claim Club, 1859-1862," Colorado Magazine, 13, no. 2 (March 1936):

42.


" AT, 3 June 1882, 3.


" AT, 15 July 1882, 2.

Patricia Nelson Limerick observed, "Speculation is extremely disillusioning if you are trying to hold on to the illusion that agriculture and commerce are significantly different ways of life, one representing nature and virtue and the other artifice and temptation to vice. In truth, agriculture was not a refuge from or an alternative to commerce. Rather, the two were often intertwined." The Legacy of Conquest: The Unbroken Past of the American West, (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1987), 68.


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inhabitants would be grown in the valley."16 The newspaper assured the reader that "dwellers of this county will no longer import butter and cheese from the East, but will get their supply at home, and strongly compete with the dairy products of the East. And to these same hills the great cities will look for their supplies of beef and mutton."17 The conditions were conducive to good farming, the editors explained. The land was good, easily irrigated, and not so extensive that the products would exceed the demand. The newspaper promoted agriculture as an easily profitable venture. Prices were high and fanning was thought to be profitable. The editors proclaimed that men could purchase farms at reasonable prices, and "soon be able to live a life of ease and comfort on the natural increase of their stock and crops."18 The Times also took on the role of agricultural agent, by distributing farming information and by displaying samples of crops in the newspaper office." During the summer of 1882 the Aspen Times ran a regular column entitled "Ranch and Garden," because they observed that ranching in the Roaring Fork Valley had come to assume "no small share of public attention."' 0 Noting that about half the county was good fanning and grazing land, while the other half was valuable for timber and mining, the paper proclaimed, "Ranching is a valuable auxiliary to mining, and is sure to become a great factor in Pitkin County success." 21

In spite of the crowing and glowing predictions, the new ranchers had to start on a small scale with the basics. A typical home was a one room log cabin with a dirt floor and a dirt roof; rooms were added on in a line when needed." Farm implements and teams of horses were scarce, so much work was done manually. As a result, it was


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"Hart, 4; and "Down the Roaring Fork," AT, 27 May 1882, 2.

Some of the ranchmen used their dirt roofs as hot beds and raised crops on them. C. C. Hardsell raised all his cabbage and cauliflower plants on his roof. "Ranch Notes," AWT, 3 October 1885, 4.


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unusual for a farm to have as much as 20 acres of broken ground in 1882.23 By the end of the summer of 1882 it was estimated that about 250 acres were broken and planted, on about 100 ranches.24 Within only two years ranchers plowed and planted larger areas.

Roads were of mixed quality. Farmers could take produce to market using a wagon road between Aspen and the Crystal River, almost 30 miles. However, bridges were scarce and crossing the river was dangerous. The "road" between the Crystal River and [Glenwood] Hot Springs was handled better on horseback than by wagon."

The Ute Reservation Act was passed late in the summer of 1882, almost a year after the Utes had left the reservation. It designated the old reservation as part of the public domain available for sale. Senator N. P. Hill, of Colorado, sponsored the bill, and President Chester A. Atthur signed the proclamation on August 10, 1882.26 Although the law made the land available for settling, it did not allow use of the Homestead Act.

"Homesteading" is often used as a generic term; many public lands were distributed by the federal government through a variety of other laws. The Ute Reservation Act stipulated that settlers had to pay $1.25 per acre for the agricultural property, so the land had to be claimed via the Preemption Act.27

The Preemption Act gave squatters the first priority on buying 160 acres of public lands which they had occupied and cultivated.28 The law was also used to claim federal lands other than those on the reservation. When settlers claimed land east of Snowmass before it had been officially surveyed (as many did), they used the Preemption Law to


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" AT, 2 September 1882, 3.




move it down the mountain. Williams abandoned his claim; later Larry Maroney and T.

  1. Clark took up the ranch and burned the hay.'



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    ANIMAL FORAGE - CULTIVATED

    Although native grasses continued to be the dominant hay for several years, "tame grass" gained in popularity and became more important by the late 1880's. Ranchers often mixed the native and cultivated hay, making it, for instance, part timothy, part red top and part blue stem.10

    When farming started in the valley, no one knew what to expect. White people were new to the area, so the farmers didn't know what the growing season was, what the common temperatures were, how much precipitation fell, or what type of soil there was. Since the Utes were not farmers, there was no track record of crops. As a result, everything the farmer did was an experiment. Only trial and error taught the settlers what worked on valley farms.

    Through such experimentation, timothy (Phleum pratense) and alfalfa11 became common hay crops; alsike and red clover were also grown.12 A few ranchers tried alfalfa in the Roaring Fork Valley in 1882, and thought it was promising." The following year they learned the value of alfalfa, and by 1885 had planted a large amount of the crop.

    The perennial was hardy and flourished even at high altitudes. It produced three crops per year when watered regularly, and yielded five tons per acre, more than other hays. It was


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    ' "The Highest Ranch in Colorado," ADT, 16 January 1891, 3.


    "AWT, 10 October 1885, 4.


10 November 1883, 4; and "Farming Lands," AT, 1 January 1884, 6.

Winter wheat was planted during the late summer or early fall and harvested in early summer.

Spring wheat was planted in the spring and harvested in August or early September. " AT, 17 May 1884, 6; and "Emma Notes," AT, 26 April 1884, 1.


had in 1883.21 Three threshing machines worked in the valley that year to separate the grain from the chaff.22


FOOD

Up to 1882, Aspen's diet had consisted primarily of bread, canned goods, and bacon

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(salt side or salt pork). The residents were understandably excited during that first summer of significant cultivation, when garden and ranch truck greatly improved their provisions.

By early June farm products were coming to town from the Roaring Fork Valley.

Farmers experimented during those first years to determine which crops grew in the valley. They learned that wann weather crops and ones that needed a long growing season, such as tomatoes and com, were not successful. However, cold weather crops grew well, such as peas, parsnips, radishes, lettuce, onions, turnips, beets, sugar beets, cabbage, carrots and potatoes. By the end of the "first" summer of 1882, farming was declared an "unqualified success."23

Each farmer planted a variety of crops to learn more about crops, to spread the risk, to supply their animals with necessary feed, and to add variety to their diet. T. J. Burke's ranch on Brush Creek had 40 acres of oats, two acres of barley, two of rutabagas, and four each of potatoes and turnips, plus he cut about 20 tons of hay. Alex McKenzie cut 15 tons of hay on his ranch on Snowmass Creek, plus he had five acres of turnips, four acres of oats, and one of potatoes. He and his wife also had a small herd of milch cows. W.

F. Coxhead's truck garden on the Crystal River included turnips, potatoes, and cabbage. In addition, he had 10 acres of oats, 3 acres each of rye, buckwheat, and potatoes, and he cut 15 tons of hay.24

Ranchers also experimented with small fruits and fruit trees. Judge and Arthur Waite had a ranch on Snowmass, where they set out several hundred plants and shrubs,


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STOCK

CAITLE

The valleys of the Roaring Fork and its tributaries made an ideal grazing place for animals. Since game animals were attracted the area, there was not as much pressure to raise cattle as there was to grow crops. Some men earned their living by hunting. One said he killed 180 deer in a 15 day long hunt during the winter of 1881-82. Hunters brought in wagon loads of deer to Aspen to sell at 5 cents per pound."

In spite of the abundant game, cattle were brought into the valley. As with crops, the cattle were used in the local community. John C. Eames was the frrst to engage in the cattle business in the Roaring Fork Valley, in 1879.37 Quite a few settlers came to the valley and established small cattle ranches about the summer of 1882. They included M.

H. McLaughlin, M. L. Shippie, Horace Gavin, S. P. Sloss, G. W. King, C. H. Harris, B. Bourg, Fred Light and A. B. Foster (the latter two were later active on the grazing issue). Ranchers who started in the cattle business around 1883 included Ed Banning, J. W. Zinunennan, James T. Dalton, H. B. Gillespie," Mr. Bennett, and R. D. Strang.39

The number of cattle and size of herds increased in the next few years. Pitkin County had 150 head of cattle in 1884; this figure didn't include the lower valley in Eagle and Garfield counties, where more cattle were raised.'0 The next year Pitkin County had 250 milch cows, and about 1,500 head of beef cattle." Reefe and Nuckolls brought in the first large herd of cattle to the valley in the summer of 1885 or 86. Mr. Robinson owned more cattle in 1886 than were in the entire county only two years earlier. He had 250



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54 AT, 14 June 1884, l; and Peake, 228.


ss In some areas of the state it was necessary to "ride poison" when cattle were moved to the mountain ranges by having several cowboys herd cattle away from blooming larkspur. Potassium permanganate was a cure, but it had to be administered when the animal first went down, so ranchers carried it with them as they rode the range. Richard Goff and Robert H. McCaffree, Century in the Saddle (Denver: Colorado Cattlemen's


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cattle during the severe stonns in 1884, and some wondered if stock could really be raised in that locale. "Some of the things said in favor of this country for stock raising will have to be taken back and somewhat qualified," the usually optimistic Times advised."

The winter of 1889-90 was a tuming point for cattle ranchers in the valley. During the early years ranchers had allowed cattle to graze on the range all year, usually without supplemental hay. There had been so much native grass that cattle did well all winter even when the snow was deep. However, as cattle became more numerous, and the lower ranges were used for crops, the range was overgrazed. The grass was cropped so closely

that when the snow was deep the cattle couldn't eat. The winter of 1889-90 was hard, and in March 1890 many thousands of cattle died in Western Colorado due to the lack of feed. Stockmen in the Roaring Fork Valley who did not have the means to feed their cattle had heavy losses, and some went bankrupt. Rather than reduce the size of their herds, however, the stock growers decided they had to raise winter feed for their cattle; this had implications for their cash flow, their land use, the condition of the range, and the size of their herds."


HORSES

Horses served various functions in the valley, including farm and ranch work (cow horses and draft stock), transportation and entertainment. Eventually the stock in the valley were bred for these specific purposes.

Many of the early horses used in the West were wild, descended from escaped and abandoned horses of the Spanish and Indians. The availability of these herds of mustangs made the price of horses low in the 1880's and early 1890's. As the herds diminished and the demand for horses increased, stockmen tumed their attention to breeding, using foundation stock that came from outside the state.58


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Centennial Commission, 1967), 235-36; and Peake 231.


" AT, 23 February 1884, 4.


57 "Fanning," AT, 13 October 1883, 4; "Cattle Dying," ADT, 9 March 1890, 2; "The Cattle Loss," ADT, 21 March 1890, 4; and Ed P. Wilbur, as told to J. N. Neal, "Reminiscences of the Meeker Country," Colorado Magazine, 23, no. 6 (November 1946): 274-75.


"Smiley, 610-11.


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Horses were necessary for ranch work; about 500 work horses were in Pitkin County in 1885.59 When horses were bred for improved qualities, Percherons were the favored draft breed in the valley. They were spirited and quick in their movements, and well suited for general fann work. The prevailing color in the area was black or dark brown, though occasional gray or bay animals were also seen. Percherons weighed from 1450 to 1700 pounds. The ponderous Belgian horses introduced and bred by J. D. Brunton on his Glendale Stock Farm were larger and moved at a slower gait than the Percherons.

Cleveland bays were also used as light draft and riding horses.'° Various breeds were used for riding stock and cow horses. In later years Morgan stallions were introduced and ranged with brood mares at the Fred Light ranch'1

Later, syndicates of stock farmers across the state organized to purchase imported stallions of the improved breeds, and it was not unusual for them to pay $3,000 to $5,00 for them." The Roaring Fork Percheron Horse Breeding Association, a band of farmers, purchased "Boston," the blue ribbon winner at the local Horse Show in 1905. He then won the silver cup for the best stallion on exhibition at the Glenwood Springs fair."

Ranchers also bought and bred race horses. Hambletonians were a common choice; they were a Standardbred horse that had been developed for harness racing. Horse races were popular in the valley. Woody Creek was a favored racing area from the mid-1880's. Pairs of horses from ranches in the valley raced against each other, in one to three races per event day. Considerable money changed hands.64 In the late 1880's the races were moved to the new course at the athletic park in Aspen."

By 1900 the interest in racing had developed beyond local horses. The Aspen Driving and Athletic Association hosted an annual horse race on their grounds; it attracted race horses from all over the western United States. The three day event offered $3,000 in


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"AT, 30 October 1883, 4; and "Down the Roaring Fork," AT, 27 May 1882, 2.


15 Pabor, 46.


1880; the first was the Waco Ditch on Woody Creek. The following year 14 ditches were claimed, and in 1882 31 were appropriated; a similar number were claimed in the following years.16 The ditches were small, mainly under five miles long, and were owned and controlled by the irrigators.17

As the demand on the water in Colorado increased, more careful control was required, so the state was organized into water districts. The valley was in water district 38, which consisted of all lands irrigated by waters taken from the Roaring Fork and its tributaries.


OCCUPATIONS

Some miners became ranchers, some ranchers became miners, and some men kept their hands in both fields. Dan Feeley transferred some mining property to James T. Stewart, John B. Robinson and Mr. Breese in exchange for part of their ranches." Simon Wheatley, foreman of a mine in Leadville, moved with his family to a ranch below Snowmass. Walter Borom & John White of Ashcroft bought a hay ranch to feed their teams and jack trains, which hauled the ore from the Montezuma and Tam O'Shanter mines to the Aspen Smelter. The Grubb brothers were engaged in mining at Tourtelotte Park."

Some ranchers were involved in two occupations at once. Judge Watson owned a ranch. J. C. Eames was proprietor of the Aspen Livery, Sale and Feed Stables. Alex Cruikshank was a builder and contractor. John Jett was a blacksmith at Dinkel 's.' 0

Some ranchers hired others to manage their ranch. J. W. Muir was head gardener on the Connaughton Ranch on Red Mountain. Captain Thatcher's ranch on Brush Creek was superintended by Mr. Hayward. P. Wall managed C. H. Jacobs' ranch."



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1


n U. S., Department of the Interior, Census Office, Report on the Statistics of Agriculture in the United States at the Eleventh Census: 1890, (Washington, D. C.: G.P.O., 1895), 125.


1

' AT, 5 May 1883, 4; and AT, 18 August 1883.


1

Denver Times, 4 August 1903, 2.



9 Smiley, 611-12.


"Colorado, Board of Agriculture, Agricultural Statistics of the State of Colorado: 1887 (Denver: The Collier and Cleaveland Lithographic Company, 1889), 18; U. S., Report on the Statistics of Agriculture: 1890, 240; and

U. S., Department of the Interior, Census Office, Census Reports, volume 5 Ag1iculture, part 1 Farms, Live Stock, and Animal Products (Washington D. C., 1900), 423.


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range. However, the cattlemen believed that the sheep had attempted to cross the boundaries several times, and trouble was narrowly avoided. 11 Although there was tension between sheepmen and cattlemen apparently there was no violence between the groups in the valley, as there was in nearby areas.12

Range sheep in the valley were crosses between ewes of wool breeds and rams of mutton breeds." In the 1890's the ewes were Merino, which produced good wool and were hardy on the open range. Then the Rambouillet, a fine wooled breed, were increasingly popular. After the 1910's Rambouillet was the base stock for ewes, although some were a cross with the Columbia breed (a rugged breed developed by the U. S. Department of Agriculture). The ewes were bred with rams that were mutton breeds; Hampshire, Suffolk or Shropshire were popular in the valley. By the 1920's Southdown and Oxford breeds were also used.14

The majority of sheep raised in Colorado in 1895 were used either for home

consumption and home markets, or were sold to feeders in Nebraska and Kansas. In later years Pitkin County sheep were transported to markets in Denver, Omaha and Kansas City."

Range flocks required two men to manage them, a herder and a camp tender. The herder stayed with the sheep, moved them to the next grazing ground, guarded against predatory animals, avoided poison weed localities, cared for sick animals, and kept the


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u Colorado, Sheep Feeding in Colorado, 6; and Hart, 24.


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sheep from straying or mixing with other bands. The camp tender kept the herder in supplies, moved the camp equipment and looked for new camp grounds.16


POTATOES

Early white settlers to the West brought potatoes with them because it was a staple that could be transported easily. They saved some of the potatoes for seed stock to plant on their farms and in their gardens. Potato growing became a large industry around mining towns such as Central City, Black Hawk and Denver."

The Roaring Fork farmers were very pleased with how well potatoes grew in the valley. In 1881 two-pound potatoes were grown, and during the following summer fanners brought wagon loads of potatoes to town. William M. Dinkel planted two acres of potatoes in 1882, and harvested 200 sacks to the acre."

However, farmers became disappointed when they observed that the potato production declined each year the vegetable was planted on the same site. It wasn't until 1886 that state agriculturalists learned that rotating alfalfa with potatoes increased production.19

The first attempt at selling potatoes outside the valley occurred in 1891, when Dinkel shipped a carload of potatoes out of the valley. The business venture wasn't successful, however, and commercial production in the valley didn't begin until the late 1890's.20

Once the potatoes were grown commercially, the Roaring Fork-Eagle River Valleys quickly became the principal potato raising district on the Western Slope. The district consisted of the valleys of the Eagle, Crystal, Roaring Fork and Frying Pan Rivers, with Carbondale as its center. This was the smallest of the four commercial potato districts in Colorado, but the highest average yields per county were obtained here, and there were few


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L. Fitch and E. R. Bennett, bulletin 175 (Fort Collins: Agricultural Experiment Station, 1910), 20.


Dinkel, 195; Colorado, The Potato Industry, 4; and Colorado, Agricultural College, Colorado Experiment Station, Growing Potatoes in Colorado, by C. H. Metzger, bulletin 412 (Fort Collins: Colorado Experiment Station, 1934), 16.


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competitors in quality of the product. The district hit its peak production about 1909, but continued strong!y into the 1940's (see appendix).21

The Carbondale area became famous because of the excellent conditions for potato growing, including both the soil and the climate. The soil was mainly a red or blackish sandy loam on the mesas with a somewhat gravely soil on the river bottoms. Cold winters allowed almost disease-free production."

Varieties grown in the valley around the early 1900's included Pearl, White Beauty, Cannon No. 1, Challenge, and Triumph, but the most popular variety in the district was the Perfect, or Improved, Peachblow.23 The Peachblow was almost spherical in shape, the skin was light pink on a yellow background, and it was red or magenta around the few eyes. The Peachblow was grown on a commercial scale exclusively in the Eagle Valley­ Carbondale district.24 A large percentage of the potatoes grown in the valley were sent to special markets for hotels and railroad dining car service. These included the New York Central Lines, the Pullman Railroad Car Company and the Brown Palace Hotel. The remainder of the crop supplied mountain towns or were sent to the same markets as other Colorado potatoes.25


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"' "Roaring Fmk Cattlemen," AWT, 9 January 1886, 2; and "Glenwood Notes," RMS, 13 February 1886,

3.

Other new members included Mrs. H. E. Robinson and J. H. Dinkle; Edson Banning, George Haley,

P. P. Haley, and William M. Dinkle of Satank; and James N. Bennett, W. E. Lewis, and R. D. Strang of Cattle Creek.


27.



' 1 Mehis, 209; Chamblin 61; and Goff, 186.

Pitkin County, along with parts of Garfield, Eagle and Mesa counties, were in Rifle District No. 7.

Goff, 194.


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THE MAROLT RANCH, 1881 - 19861 THE MIDLAND RANCH

A parcel of ranch land that is of special interest to us is the property that became known as the Midland, then Marolt, Ranch. The history of agriculture in the Roaring Fork Valley provides us with a context in which to study the Marolt Ranch. The background information enables us to understand if the Marolt operation was representative of ranches in the area. On the other hand, by studying this one place in detail, we can learn more about valley ranches in general.

The earlier history of the Marolt property includes several well-known characters of Aspen's past, including H. P. Cowen.hoven, D. R. C. Brown, Jerome Wheeler, J. J. Hagerman, Edward Holden, and A. E. Carlton. It is possible that the bulk of the land was owned exclusively by speculators until the Marolts purchased it in 1927.


In the early 1880's four men each acquired property from the U. S. government. The parcels were contiguous, and just west of the Aspen townsite. The Roaring Fork townsite was probably located on their property.' Within a few years each man sold his property, and by 1886 Jerome Wheeler owned all four parcels. (See map.) Eventually, the combined four parcels became known as the Stitzer Ranch, the Midland Ranch and the Marolt Ranch.



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1 The section on the Marolt Ranch is based on the following interviews by the author, except in the section on the Midland Ranch and where noted. The interviews are available on cassette tape at the Aspen Historical Society.

Opal Peterson Marolt, 13 July 1990; Vicki Marolt Buchanan, 17 July 1990; Peggy Marolt, 20 July

1990; Keith Marolt, 4 September 1990.


' The Roaring Fork Townsite Company was formed in 1880 by Leadville speculators. Dr. A. A. Smith (the postmaster of Leadville) was president, and Judge J. W. Hanna was also involved. The company sent Hezekiah T. Buckley, a deputy U. S. surveyor, to survey the land between Castle and Maroon Creeks, at the foot of Maroon Mountain (Red Butte?). The surveyor made a plat of Roaring Fork City, and it was exhibited at the Clarendon Hotel in Aspen. The town was widely promoted and many lots were sold, especially in Leadville. Smith arranged for a post office to be established in the new town, and a cabin for the post office was partly built on the site. Buckley was appointed post master on April 13, 1880. In the following months much was heard about the company, but there was little activity, and the scheme soon collapsed. Buckley's appointment as post master was terminated on July 29, 1880. The post office, the only cabin in the "town", was later moved to Aspen.

Frank L. Wentworth, Aspen on the Roaring Fork (Lakewood, Colorado: Rizzari, 1950), 37-38; Warner

A. Root, "Aspen: The Men Who Led the Way Over the Divide," part 1, AT, 23 April 1881, 1; and U. S., Post Office, "Register of Appointments of Post Masters," record group 28, National Archives, Washington, D. C.


image

The first of these four men was Samuel Flanagan, who acquired 120 acres from the

U. S. government. He sold the property to Henry P. Cowenhoven in December 1883.' George Elrod, the second man, preempted 160 acres, then in March 1884 sold his property to Henry P. Cowenhoven. That same month Jerome B. Wheeler joined Cowenhoven in an undivided half interest in the 280 acres of Flanagan and Elrod property. In February 1886 Wheeler acquired full title to the Elrod and Flanagan property.•

William Stone, the third man, preempted 40 acres, then sold them to D. R. C. Brown in August 1885. Brown transferred the property to Jerome B. Wheeler in February 1886.' John B. Stitzer, the fourth man, preempted about 107 acres. Stitzer sold his parcel to John R. Williams in June 1884; that same day Williams sold it to Margarette Cowenhoven. She sold the property to J. B. Wheeler in February 1886.' It is not known if the four original men farmed on their properties (although Flanagan did have chickens).' It is possible that they purchased the land for speculative reasons, since the location near Aspen was desirable. It is also possible that they tried farming, found they didn't like it, and so sold out quickly.



image

P. Cowenhoven to Jerome B. Wheeler, 8 March 1884, book 3, p. 59.


' "Receipt," U. S. Receiver to William Stone, 13 July 1885, book 19, p. 296; "U. S. Patent," U. S. General Land Office to William Stone, 8 August 1890, book 55, p. 32; "Warranty Deed," William E. Stone to David R.

C. Brown, 19 August 1885, book 3, p. 86; and "Quit Claim Deed," D. R. C. Brown to Jerome B. Wheeler, 12 February 1886, book 29, p. 74.


' "Receipt," U. S. Receiver to John B. Stitzer, 12 May 1884, book 27, p. 291, and book 17, p. 121; "U.

S. Patent," U. S. General Land Office to John B. Stitzer, 20 October 1890, book 55, p. 35; "Warranty Deed," John B. Stitzer to John R. Williams, 3 June 1884, book 3, p. 57; "Warranty Deed," John R. Williams to Margarette Cowenhoven, 3 June 1884, book 3, p. 58; and "Warranty Deed," Margarette Cowenhoven to Jerome

B. Wheeler, 12 February 1886, book 3, p. 112.


' Flanagan let his chickens run loose, which caused some commotion locally. He had Cochin Chinas, Brahmas, Dominiques and various high bloods. AT, 30 June 1883.

Brahmas were a sub-variety of the Cochin. They had been two of the most popular breeds of chickens, however, their popularity decreased as their exaggerated fluff and leg feathers increased.

image

image


i


, _,

;,.a;'-1'1

-

CA i..--c•-


image

108


Once Wheeler had acquired the Flanagan, Elrod, Stone and Stitzer properties, he sold them to James J. Hagerman, trustee of the Colorado Midland Railroad, in 1886. That was the beginning of a long association of the Midland and the property. Hagerman transferred the property to Henry C. Lowe, trustee of the Midland, in 1888.'

On August 1, 1890 the Colorado Midland Railroad granted M. L. Chapman (a Holden Smelting and Milling Company investor) an option to buy what was known as the Stitzer Ranch, but had been the Flanagan, Elrod, Stone and Stitzer properties. Apparently the Holden company did not make the first payment and the contract was forfeited, because the Midland retained title to the property.'

Some agreement must have been reached, however, because the Holden Works was constructed in 1890-91 on a 20 acre parcel within the 400 acre parcel. The Midland deeded this 20 acre parcel to Holden's representative, J. B. Wilbur, in December 1891.

That same month Wilbur transferred the title of the 20 acres to the Holden Smelting and Milling Company; this land became known as the Holden Tract.10

The Midland Ranch (minus the Holden Tract) was leased to area ranchers for many years. T. 0. Clark leased the Midland Ranch for several years around the tum of the century. Then Billy Tagert and Lou Teuscher leased the ranch starting in 1908.11

By the late 1910's the Colorado Midland Railroad was in bad financial straits so the

U. S. District Court ordered the trustees to sell the railroad's property. Albert E. Carlton purchased the property in August 1917, and became the new owner and president of the Colorado Midland Railroad. Along with land in various other locations in Colorado, his purchase included what had been the Flanagan-Elrod-Stone-Stitzer property (except the 20 acre Holden Tract) which had come to be known as the Midland Ranch. Seven months


image

' "Warranty Deed," J. B. Wheeler to James J. Hagennan, trustee, 11 May 1886, book 3, p. 136; "Quit Claim Deed," J. B. Wheeler to J. J. Hagennan, trustee, 11 May 1886, book 29, p. 275; and "Quit Claim Deed,"

J. J. Hagennan, trustee, to Henry C. Lowe, trustee, 18 January 1888, book 30, p. 499.


9 "Option," Colorado Midland Railway Company to M. L. Chapman, 1 August 1890, book 80, p. 315.


"Deed," Henry C. Lowe, trustee, to James B. Wilbur, 9 December 1891, book 92, p. 445; "Quit Claim Deed," James B. Wilbur to the Holden Smelting and Milling Company, 31 December 1891, book 92, p. 443.


" "Lew Tuescher is Going to be a Fanner," ADT, 5 February 1908, I.


Schematic Chain of Title


image image image


image

:::::::

---,ll!ii ii

image

1883 \nr1i::eer i •• w

I] Flanagan -tCowenhove}, . ,..,.. 1 , ITT

mJ Elrod --tCowenhoven

1884

Co1Nenhoven 1h'heeler

7 884 1886

D D 11111

C.c,lorado t,•larol Sieve

Hagerman -+Midland -----.-Brothers _.. t·.•iarolt

filill Stone---tBroi.,vn r\.Vheeler

1885 1886

!I Stitzer----+ '•.;./i!liams.---+ Coll•Jenhoven \1./heeler

1884 1884 1886

1886 1886 1927 1940

(Colo. 1•,-lidland Marolt Frank (Mikei

Rail Road)--tHolden Brc,thers ---t Marolt 1891 (othersJ 1932 1940

II


image

later Carlton transferred the title back to the Colorado Midland Railroad. The company dissolved in 1922; the land was again purchased by Carlton in 1923.12

The ranch apparently continued to be leased to area ranchers. Fred Cullet may have rented the Midland Ranch and farmed it around 1922-23.13

Carlton sold the Midland Ranch in March 1927 to Frank Jr., Rudolph, William and Stephen Marolt; the ranch entered a new era. Each brother had an undivided share in the property. William Marolt sold his interest to the other brothers two years later.14 Frank, Rudolph and Steve acquired the 20 acre Holden Tract in 1932.


MAROLT FAMILY HISTORY

The Marolt brothers who purchased the Midland Ranch and Holden Tract were sons of Frank and Frances Marolt. The parents immigrated to the United States in the late 1800's; they were from that part of Austria-Hungary which today is Yugoslavia. 15 The Marolts lived in Leadville for a time, then they moved to Aspen. Frank operated a saloon in town, and the family lived above it. Frank and Frances had twelve children, born in the following order: Mary, Pauline, Rudolph (Rudy), Elsie, Frank Jr., William (Bill), Louis, Stephen (Steve), Dorothy, Michael Christopher (Mike, born in Aspen in 1909), Rosaline (Rose), and Theodore (Ted).

In time, Frank and Francis and their children moved to a ranch west of Aspen; Meadow Wood subdivision was later built on the property. The 14-member family lived in a tiny two bedroom house, which is still standing near the Prince of Peace Church.

Most of the children slept in the barn. The family enjoyed their ethnic traditions, including foods like meats, breads, and sauerkraut. Frances sewed all of the family's clothes, and did all the customary family and ranch chores although one of her arms was paralyzed from a stroke.


image

""Trustee's Deed," George Vallery, et al, trustees, to Albert E. Carlton, 18 September 1917, book 156, p. 48; "Receiver's Deed," George Vallery, et al, trustees, to Albert E. Carlton, 18 September 1917, book 156, p. 52; "Quit Claim Deed," Albert E. Carlton to Colorado Midland Railroad, 5 March 1918, book 156, p. 82; "Notice of Dissolution," Colorado Midland Railroad, 28 April 1922; and "Certificate of Purchase," Public Trustee to Albert

E. Carlton, 9 May 1923, book 159, p. 214.


356.




APPENDIX D:


COMPONENTS OF MIDLAND RANCH


NAME DESCRIPTION OF PARCEL SECTION ACRE

s


Samuel

Flanagan

W 1/2 of the NW 1/4 and NW 1/4 of the SW 1/4

12

120

George

Elrod

NE 1/4

11

160

William

Stone

SE 1/4 of the NW 1/4

12

40

John B.

Stitzer

SW 1/4 SW 1/4;

lot 3 (a portion of the NE 1/4 SW 1/4);

12

107



lot 6 (a portion of SE 1/4 SW 1/4)




image

Holden Company portion of the SW 1/4 12 20

All land in Township 10 South, Range 85 West, Pitkin County, Colorado.

image

APPENDIX E

Historical Statistics on Agriculture in Pitkin County

Land Use

1890 1900 1910 1920 1930 1940


Number of Farms

116

170

191

179

180

169

Ave. Farm Size

182

208

237

276

333

414

Land in Farms

21,066

35,363

45,286

49,389

59,888

70,018


Livestock








Horses


543

1,206

1,530

1,376

1,245

802

Mules


53

22

12

38

25


Asses &

Burros

43

29

7

10

6


Cattle

2,256

6,740

6,548

7,247

7,306

Beef

1,724

5,633

5,670

6,611

6,552

7,427

6,857

Dairy


532

1, 107

878

636

754

570

Sheep


3

5,940

301

2,657

17,473

13,610

Swine


392

371

1,188

1,262

899

1,159

Selected

Crops







Oats (bushels)

49,328

60,290

97,201

86,281

87,451

42,130

Wheat (bushels)

3,563

6,910

16,458

25,942

12,882

21,440

Barley

(bushels

999


4,188

7,919

3,432

5,940

Rye (bushels)

50

160

647

1,255

230


Hay (tons)

4,237


16,246

18,944

19,481.

14,667

Timothy & Clover


641.1*

5,891

1.3,225

10,406


Clover


30

24

3

2


Alfalfa


10,157

5,420

5,040

8,188

9,177

Wi.ld Grasses

284+

542

22

84

367


Potatoes (bushe.

23,816

40,185

225,934

205,478

196,872

184,200


* Other Tame & Cultivated Grasses

+ 1887 figure

Compiled from:

U. S,, Department of the Interior, Census Office, Report on the Statistics of Agriculture in the United States at the Eleventh Census: 1890 (Washington, D. C.: G.P.O., 1895);

0. S., Department of the Interior, Census Office, Census Reports, volume 5, Agriculture, pert 1 1 Farms, Live Stock, and Animal Products (Washington D. C., 1900);

image

U. S., Department of the Interior, Census Office, Census Reports for the Twelftl1 Census, 1900 1 vol. 6, Agriculture, part 2 1 Crops and Irriga:,tion (Washington, D. C.: G.P.O., 1902);

U.S., Department of Commerce and Labor, Bureau of the Census, Thirteenth Census: 1910, volume 6, Agriculture (Washington, D. C.: G.P.O., 1913);

U.S., Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Fourteenth Census of the United States: 1920, volume 6, Agriculture, part 3, The Western States and Outl Possessions (washington, D. C.: G.P.O., 1922 ;

U. S., Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Fifteenth Census of the United States: 1930, volume 2, Agriculture, part 3, The Western States (Washington, D.C.: G.P.O., 1932); and

U. S., Department of Agriculture, Agricultural Marketing Service, Division of Marketing Statistics, in cooperation with Colorado State Planning Commission, Colorado Agricultural Statistics (Denver, 1940).



200


190


160


170


160


150


140


1ao 120

110

Number of Farms


image

image

image

le90 1900 1910 1920 1930 1940


image

image

Average Farm Size



(in 1Jr. )


420







400







360







360







340







320







300







2ao







260







240







220







200







160


1 B90


1900


1910


1920


1930


1940



16

17

16

15

14

13

12

""

11

C

0

-0 10

image

0" "

Number of Sheep

.c

t;.

B

image

7

6

5

4

3

2


0

1890 1900 1910 1920 1930 1940


Nu1,1ber of Swine


image

"-0"

0,9


C

0

" 0,6

.0c

t;. 0.7


0.6


o.s


0,4


0,3

11390 1900 1910 1920 1930 1940

image


image

"


Tons

of

Hay

14




13




12




11




10




9

B




7




6




5




4




3




2





0




-;;-

C

0

¼

:,

c

.0c


1690 1900


Timothy & Clovi:r

1511 O 1920 1930 1940

image

+ Alf1Jlfr:J


"

-;;-

C 0

¼

:,

.0c

c



Bushels

of

Wheat,

Barley,

Rye

26






24






22






20






1B






16






14












12


10






B 6

4


2


0


image

1690 1900 1910 1920 1930 1940


Whe1Jt + El1Jrh:y Ryo


image

Bushels of Oats

image

image

90

BO

70

60

BO

100 -----------------------------------,


image


1 B90 1900 1910 1920 1930 1940


Number of Horses



"

'h

C

0

'h

.0c

t;.

1.6


1.B


1.4


1.3


1.2


1.1


0.9


0.6


0.7


0.6


0.B


image

1690 1900 1910 1920 1930 1940

image


"

-;;;-

C 0

'h

0

.c

C-



image

Bushels of Potatoes


230


220







210







200







190







160







170







160







150







140







130







120







110







100







90







60







70







60







50







40







30







20








1690

1900

1910

1920

1930

1940


image

Number of Cattle


image

1690 1900 1910 1920 1930 1 940


image

Eleef Callie +


image

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MILLING


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U. S. Department of the Interior. Geological Survey. Geology of the Aspen Mining District, Colorado with Atlas, by Josiah E. Spurr. Monographs vol. 31. Washington: G.P.O., 1898.


U. S. Department of the Interior. Geological Survey. Mining in Colorado: A History of Discovery, Development and Production, by Charles W. Henderson. Professional Paper no. 138. Washington, D. C.: G.P.O., 1926.


U. S. Department of the Interior. Patent Office. Official Gazette of the U. S. Patent Office

26, no. 13 (25 March 1884): 1187, 1204; 27, no. 2 (8 April 1884): 204.


U. S. Patent Office. Annual Report of the Commissioner of Patents. Washington: G. P. 0., 1917-1921.



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U. S. Southern District Court of New York. "Bankruptcy Docket." Vol. 5, p. 2274. National Archives, Northeast Region, Bayonne, New Jersey.


Union National Bank of Denver v. Edward R. Holden. Cases 3400, 3404, Circuit Court, 1896. National Archives, Denver.


Ware River News (Mass.), 9 January 1929. A. E. Reynolds Collection, Box 92, folder 73.

Colorado Historical Society, Denver.


Wascott. "Mining in Aspen District, Colorado." Letter. Mining and Scientific Press, 79, no.

18 (28 October 1899): 492.


Weed, Walter Harvey. The Mines Handbook: An Enlargement of the Copper Handbook,

Vol. 12. New York: Stevens Copper Handbook Co., 1917.


Western Historical Studies. "Amendment to the Aspen, Colorado Multiple Property Nomination to the National Register of Historic Places." 27 January 1990. Colorado Office of Archaeology and Historic Preservation, Colorado Historical Society,

section E, 7-8.


Western Slope Congress of Colorado. Western Colorado. Grand Junction: Grand Junction

News Book and Job Print, 1893.


Wiard, Edward S. The Theory and Practice of Ore Dressing. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1915.


Williams, Gatenby [William Guggenheim]. William Guggenheim. New York: Lone Voice Publishing Co., 1934.


Wright, James Edward Wright. The Politics of Populism: Dissent in Colorado. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1974.


Wysor, Henry. Metallurgy: A Condensed T,·eatise. Easton, Pennsylvania: The Chemical Publishing Co., 1908.


Young, Otis. Western Mining. Nonnan: University of Oklahoma, 1970.


NEWSPAPER ARTICLES


In Chronological Order

ADT = Aspen Daily Times AT = Aspen Times

AWT = Aspen Weekly Times RMS = Rocky Mountain Sun


"Aspen: The Men Who Led the Way Over the Divide." Part 2. AT, 30 April 1881, 1.

AT, 28 October 1882, 3.

"Analysis: E. R. Holden, the Metallurgist, of the N. T. Smelter." AT, 9 December 1882. "Reduction Works." AT, 23 June 1883, 1.

"Cash Sale." AT, June 1883, 1.

"The Smelter." AT, 7 July 1883, 1.

AWT, 7 March 1885, 1.

AWT, 11 April 1885, 4.

AWT, 18 April 1885, 4.

AT Supplement, 2 May 1885, 1.

"Mining Notes." AWT, 26 September 1885, 4.

"Local and Personal." ADT, 1 November 1887, 4.


"The Hewitt Sampling Works Company." Rocky Mountain Sun, 21 January 1888, 2.

"The Roaring Fork Valley as a Smelting Centre." Rocky Mountain Sun, 28 January 1888, 2. "Mines and Mining: The Aspen Public Sampling Company." Rocky Mountain Sun, 17

March 1888, 2.

"Lixiviation Works." ADT, 8 February 1890, 4.

"The Aspen (Colorado) Mining District." Frank Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper, 22 February 1890, 66-68.

"Auspicious Aspen." ADT, 17 September 1890, 4.

"Wilbur Enterprise." ADT, 18 September 1890, 4.

"Lixiviation Works." ADT, 19 September 1890, 2.

"Work Starts Today." ADT, 20 September 1890, 3.

"The Castle Creek Bridge." ADT, 19 November 1890, 4.

"The Bonds Cancelled." ADT, 11 January 1891, 6.


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"Let's Have a Bridge." ADT, 6 February 1891, 2.

"The Lixiviation Plant." Aspen Daily Chronicle, 17 August 1891, 3. "Mining Notes." Aspen Daily Chronicle, 28 August 1891, 3.

"A Great Place." Aspen Daily Chronicle, 17 September 1891, 4. "Mining Notes." AWT, 3 October 1891, 4.

"Mining Notes." AWT, 10 October 1891, 4.

"Lixiviation Works." Rocky Mountain Sun, 17 October 1891, 3.

"Mining Notes." AWT, 17 October 1891, 2.

"Mining Notes." ADT, 1 November 1891, 3.

Aspen Daily Chronicle, 2 November 1891, 3.

"General Mining News." ADT, 3 November 1891, 1. Same in "The Holden Works." AWT,

7 November 1891, 2.

ADT, 5 November 1891, 2.

ADT, 8 November 1891, 3.

"Mr. Holden Removed." ADT, 10 November 1891, 3.

"The Lixiviation Works." ADT, 11 November 1891, 3.

"The Holden Works." ADT, 11 November 1891, 3. Same in AWT, 14 November 1891, 2.

ADT, 13 November 1891, 2.

"The Aspen Delegation." AWT, 14 November 1891, 2.

"The Holden Works." ADT, 15 November 1891, 3.

"Mining Notes." ADT, 15 November 1891, 4. Same in AWT, 21 November 1891, 2. Shepard, F. A. "Pitkin County Statistics," AWT, 19 December 1891, 1.

"The Lixiviation Works." ADT, 12 February 1892, 4.

"Reducing Expenses." AWT, 3 February 1893, 2.

Aspen Daily Chronicle, 20 March 1893, 4.

ADT, 21 March 1893, 8.

Aspen Daily Chronicle, 1 April 1893, 4.

AWT, 22 April 1893, 4.

"Another Enterprise." ADT, 28 April 1893, 2.

ADT, 2 May 1893, 4.

"Ed Holden Married." AWT, 6 May 1893, 4.

"Mr. Holden's Views." AWT, 27 May 1893, 1.

AWT, 27 May 1893, 2.

AWT, 17 June 1893.


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ADT, 18 June 1893, 5.

"The Holden Works Starts Up." ADT, 25 June 1893, 5.

"The Holden Works Start Up." Aspen Daily Chronicle, 26 June 1893, 4. "Ed Holden's Opinion." Rocky Mountain News, 29 June 1893, 1.

"The Crisis: Solemn Conclave of Smelting and Mining Men at the Palace." Rocky Mountain News, 29 June 1893, 1.

"In Darkness: Orders to Close Down Every Silver Mine and Smelter in Colorado." Rocky Mountain News, 30 June 1893, 1.

"Holden's Opinion." AWT, 1 July 1893.

"Mining Notes." AWT, 1 July 1893, 2.

"Mr. Holden's Sin." Rocky Mountain News, 1 July 1893, 4. "Smelting Works Closed." AWT, 15 July 1893.

"Round About Town." AWT, 2 September 1893, 4. "Lixiviation Works Attached." AWT, 2 September 1893. "Lixiviation Works Attached." AWT, 9 September 1893. "Round About Town." AWT, 28 October 1893, 4.

"Round About Town." AWT, 4 November 1893, 4.

"District Court." AWT, 11 November 1893.

"District Court." AWT, 9 December 1893, 4.

"A Third Sampler: The Machinery in the Holden Works Started Up Monday." AWT, 18 May 1895.

ADT, 19 November 1896, 3

"Pitkin County Again Experiences Prosperity." Denver Times, 31 December 1898, 24. "Cases of Great Luck in Mining Strikes." Denver Times, 19 February 1899, 20.

Denver Times, Bench and Bar edition, February 1899, 5.

"Pitkin's Output Presses $3,000,000." Denver Times, 31 December 1899, 21.

Aspen Tribune, 8 April 1900, 4.

"Pitkin County Hopeful." Denver Times, 30 December 1900, sec. 3, 5.

"Aspen, Celebrated for Its Mines Over the Range." Denver Times, 10 November 1901, 17. Thompson, Mary. "Hunt for Mrs. E. R. Holden Recalls Her Husband's Colorful Life in

Denver." Denver Post, 13 July 1930, 6.

"Pioneer Denver Hotel Man Dies on West Coast: Willard S. Morse also Known as Authority on Mining." Denver Post, 16 October 1935, 3.

Denver Post, 7 February 1961.



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PITKIN COUNTY CLERK RECORDS


In Chronological Order


"Option." Colorado Midland Ry. Co. to M. L. Chapman, 1 August 1890. Book 80, p. 315. "Wananty Deed." Harry D. House to Charles H. Graham, 7 August 1890. Book 63, p. 290. "Declaration of Occupation." E. R. Holden, ditch, 17 December 1890. Book 80, p. 443.

"Deed." E. R. Holden to Holden Smelting and Milling Co., 17 December 1890. Book 80.

p. 445.


"Transcription of Proceedings." 17 December 1890. Book 80, p. 442.


"Quit Claim Deed." Julius Opdall to Holden Smelting and Milling Company, 20 April 1891. Book 93, p. 23.

"Deed." Henry C. Lowe, trustee, to J. B. Wilbur, 9 December 1891. Book 92, p. 445. "Quit Claim Deed." J. B. Wilbur to Holden Smelting and Milling Co., 31 December 1891.

Book 92, p. 443.


"Deed of Trust." 6 July 1893. Book 97, p. 535.


"Lien." 28 July 1893. Book 89, p. 136.


"Mechanic's Lien." 16 August 1893. Book 97, p. 555.


"Writ of Attachment." 29 August 1893. Book 9, p. 494.


"Lien." 29 August 1893. Book 89, p. 143.


"Lis Pending." 31 August 1893. Book K, p. 153.


"Deed." Holden Smelting and Milling Co. to Aspen Union Smelting Co., 24 April 1895.

Book 115, p. 517.


"Certificate of Redemption." 18 May 1897. Book 8, p. 285.


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"Sheriff's Ce1tificate of Purchase." Aspen Union Smelting Co. to Charles H. Graham, 18

August 1897. Book 8, p. 178.


"Lease." Aspen Union Smelting Co. to G. W. Thatcher, 16 December 1897. Book 139, p.

523.


"Certificate of Paid Up Stock." Aspen Union Smelting Co., 7 January 1898. Book 139, 523.


"Transcript of Judgement." 28 January 1898. Book 140, p. 15.


"Transcript of Judgement." 20 February 1899. Book 140, p. 21.


"Levy." 18 April 1899. Book 142, p. 48.


"Certificate of Purchase." 7 June 1899. Book 142, p. 62.


"Deed." Aspen Union Smelting Co. to Arthur H. Hale, 30 April 1901. Book 142, p. 386.


"Warranty Deed." Charles H. Graham, 25 June 1907. Book 148, p. 331.


"Quit Claim Deed." Arthur H. Hale to Marion C. Smyth, 17 January 1923. Book 159, p.

201.


"Quit Claim Deed." Marion C. Smyth to Merrimack River Savings Bank, 13 August 1927.

Book 158, p. 329.


"Quit Claim Deed." Merrimack River Savings Bank to W. W. Tagert, 20 January 1932.

Book 55, p. 293.


"Quit Claim Deed." W. C. Tagert to Frank Jr., Rudolph and Stephen Marolt, 16 May 1932.

Book 157, p. 356.


Pitkin County Commissioners, "Minute Book," vol. 1, minutes of 11 September 1890, 231;

29 October 1890, 241; 20 November 1890, 249; 10 January 1891, 263; and 11

December 1891, 363.



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BIBLIOGRAPHY


FARMING AND RANCHING


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Buchanan, Vicki Marolt. Interview by author, 17 July 1990, Denver. Tape recording. Aspen Historical Society, Aspen.


Chamblin, Thomas S., ed. Historical Encyclopedia of Colorado. N.p.: Colorado Historical Association, 1975.


Colorado State Agricultural College. Agricultural Experiment Station. The Potato Industry of Colorado, by C. L. Fitch and E. R. Bennett. Bulletin 175. Fort Collins: Agricultural Experiment Station, 1910.


Colorado State Agricultural College. Agricultural Experiment Station. Sheep Feeding in Colorado, by W. W. Cooke. Bulletin 32. Fort Collins: Agricultural Experiment Station, 1895.


Colorado State Agricultural College. Agricultural Experiment Station. Potato Growing in Colorado, by E. P. Sandsten. Bulletin 220. Fort Collins: Experiment Station, 1916.


Colorado State Agricultural College. Agricultural Experiment Station. Colorado Potato Industry, by E. R. Bennett. Bulletin 117. Fort Collins: Agricultural Experiment Station, 1907.


Colorado State Agricultural College. Agricultural Experiment Station. Potato Culture in Colorado, by E. P. Sandsten. Bulletin 243. Fort Collins: Experiment Station, 1918.


Colorado State Agricultural College. Agricultural Experiment Station. Some Colorado Grasses and their Chemical Analysis. Bulletin 12. Fort Collins: State Agricultural College, 1890.


Colorado State Agricultural College. Agricultural Experiment Station. Cattle Feeding in Colorado. Bulletin 34. Fort Collins: Agricultural Experiment Station, 1896.


Colorado State Agricultural College. Agricultural Experiment Station. Colorado Potato Industry, by E. R. Bennett. Bulletin 117. Fort Collins: Agricultural Experiment Station, 1907.



image

Colorado State Agricultural College. Colorado Experiment Station. Ideal Types for Colorado Standard Potato Varieties, by C. H. Metzger. Bulletin 359. Fort Collins: Colorado Experiment Station, 1930.


Colorado State Agricultural College. Colorado Experiment Station. Growing Potatoes in Colorado, by C. H. Metzger. Bulletin 412. Fort Collins: Colorado Experiment Station, 1934.


Colorado State Agricultural College. Colorado Experiment Station. Cattle-Ranch Organization in the Mountains of Colorado, by R. T. Burdick, Martin Reinholt, and

G. S. K.lemmedson. Bulletin 342. Fort Collins, Colorado Experiment Station, 1928.


Colorado State Agricultural College. Colorado Experiment Station. Sheep Production in Colorado, by Charles I. Bray. Bulletin 304. Fort Collins: Colorado Experiment Station, 1925.


Colorado State College. Colorado Experiment Station. Growing Better Potatoes in Colorado,

by C. H. Metzger. Bulletin 446. Fort Collins: Colorado Experiment Station, 1938.


Colorado State Grange. Colorado State Grange History. Denver: Colorado State Grange, 1975.


Colorado State University. Department of Economics. County Information Service. County Data Book. Fort Collins: Colorado State University, 1980.


Colorado. Board of Agriculture and State Agricultural College. Report for 1881-1882.

Denver: Times, public printer, 1883.


Colorado. Board of Agriculture. Agricultural Statistics of the State of Colorado: 1887.

Denver: The Collier and Cleaveland Lithographic Company, 1889.


Colorado. Board of Immigration. Year Book of the State of Colorado. Denver: Brock­ Haffner Press, 1918.


Colorado. State Engineer. Biennial Report for 1889 and 1890. Denver: Collier and Cleaveland Lth. Co., 1890.


Colorado. State Engineer. Biennial Report for 1901 and 1902. Denver: Smith-Brooks Printing Co., state printers, 1902.


Dinkel, William M., as told to Ivah Dunklee. "A Pioneer of the Roaring Fork." Colorado Magazine 21, no. 4 (July 1944): 133-140; and no. 5 (September 1944): 184-196.


Frink, Maurice, W. Turrentine Jackson, and Agnes Wright Spring. When Grass was King: Contributions to the Western Range Cattle Industry Study. Boulder: University of Colorado Press, 1956.



image

Fuller, Wayne E. "The Grange in Colorado." Colorado Magazine 36, no. 4 (October 1959): 254-265.


Goff, Richard, and Robert H. McCaffree. Century in the Saddle. Denver: Colorado Cattlemen's Centennial Commission, 1967.


Grubb, Eugene H., and W. S. Guilford. The Potato: A Compilation of lriformation from Every Available Source. Garden City: Doubleday, Page & Company, 1912.


Hafen, LeRoy, ed. Colorado and Its People. 4 vols. New York: Lewis Historical Publishing Co., 1948.


Hart, Charles D. "History of Capitol and Snowmass Creeks." Typescript, n.d. Pitkin County Public Library, Aspen, Colorado.


Muhn, James, U. S. Bureau of Land Management land law historian. Interview by author, 20 July 1990, Lakewood, Colorado.


Kimmell, Thomas John. "A History of a Rocky Mountain Silver Mining Camp: Aspen, Colorado, 1879-1910." B. A. thesis, Harvard College, Cambridge, Mass., 1975.


Limerick, Patricia. The Legacy of Conquest: The Unbroken Past of the American West. New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1987.


Lucksinger, Jake. "Reminiscence 'As I Remember'." Typescript, n.d. Aspen Historical Society Archives.


Marolt, Keith. Telephone interview by author, 4 September 1990, San Francisco and Boulder. Tape recording, Aspen Historical Society, Aspen.


Marolt, Opal Peterson. Interview by author, 13 July 1990, Boulder. Tape recording. Aspen Historical Society, Aspen.


Marolt, Peggy. Interview by author, 20 July 20 1990, Boulder. Tape recording. Aspen Historical Society, Aspen.


McCarthy, G. Michael. Hour of Trial: The Conservation Conflict in Colorado and the West,

1891-1907. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1977.


Neal, J. N. "Ranching in Rio Blanco Country." Colorado Magazine 34, no. 2 (April 1957): 108-120.


Pabor, William E. Colorado as an Agricultural State: Its Farms, Fields, and Garden Lands.

New York: Orange Judd Company, 1883.


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Peake, Ora Brooks. The Colorado Range Cattle Industry. Glendale, California: Arthur H. Clark Company, 1937.


Pine, John C. "The Denver Record Stockman, Defender of Colorado Cattlemen." Colorado Magazine 31, no. 2 (April 1954): 136-150.


Rickard, T. A Interviews with Mining Engineers. San Francisco: Mining and Scientific Press, 1922.


Rockwell, Wilson. The Utes: A Forgotten People. Denver: Sage Books, 1956.


Shoemaker, Len. Pioneers of the Roaring Fork. Denver: Sage Books, 1965.


Shoemaker, Len. Roaring Fork Valley. Denver: Sage Book, 1958.


Shoemaker, Len. Saga of a Forest Ranger. Boulder: University of Colorado Press, 1958.


Shoemaker, Leonard C. "Hist of the Holy Cross National Forest." Typescript. Colorado Historical Society, Denver.


Smiley, Jerome C. Semi-centennial History of the State of Colorado. 2 vols. Chicago: Lewis Publishing Co., 1913.


Steine!, Alvin. History of Agriculture in Colorado. Fort Collins: State Agricultural College,

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Stone, Wilbur Fisk. History of Colorado. Chicago: S. J. Clarke Publishing Co., 1918.


The Valley of the Roaring Fork River in Colorado's Rockies. Map. n.p.: The Colorado Centennial-Bicentennial Committee (Roaring Fork Valley) and the Aspen Historical Society, 1976.


Thomle, Irwin. "Rise of the Vegetable Industry in the San Luis Valley." Colorado Magazine 26, no. 2 (April 1949): 112-125.


Trentaz, Amelia. Interview by author, 2 August 1990, Aspen, telephone.


U. S. Department of Agriculture. Grass, The 1948 Yearbook of Agriculture. Washington, D. C.: G.P.0., 1948.


U. S. Department of Agriculture. Agricultural Marketing Service. Division of Marketing Statistics. In cooperation with Colorado State Planning Commission. Colorado Agricultural Statistics. Denver, 1940.


U. S. Department of Commerce. Bureau of the Census. Fourteenth Census of the United States: 1920. Volume 6, Agriculture. Part 3, The Western States and Outlying Possessions. Washington, D. C.: G.P.0., 1922.



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U. S. Department of Commerce. Bureau of the Census. Fifteenth Census of the United States: 1930. Volume 2, Agriculture. Part 3, The Western States. Washington, D. C.: G.P.O., 1932.


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U. S. Department of the Interior. Census Office. Census Reports for the Twelfth Census, 1900. Vol. 6, Agriculture. Part 2, Crops and Irrigation. Washington, D. C.: G.P.O., 1902.


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U. S. Department of the Interior. Census Office. Report on the Statistics of Agriculture in the United States at the Eleventh Census: 1890. Washington, D. C.: G.P.O., 1895.


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Van Hom, Harold. "Absorption of Public Lands in Colorado: 1860 - 1890." M.A. thesis, University of Denver, 1965.


Vandenbusche, Duane, and Duane A. Smith. A Land Alone: Colorado's Western Slope.

Boulder: Pruett Publishing Company, 1981.


Wentworth, Frank L. Aspen on the Roaring Fork. Lakewood, Colorado: Rizzari, 1950.


Wilbur, Ed P., as told to J. N. Neal. "Reminiscences of the Meeker Country." Colorado Magazine 23, no. 6 (November 1946): 273-283.


Wright, James E. The Politics of Populism: Dissent in Colorado. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1974.


NEWSPAPER ARTICLES



In Chronological Order


ADT = Aspen Daily Times AT = Aspen Times

AWT = Aspen Weekly Times

RMS = Rocky Mountain Sun


Root, Warner A. "Aspen: The Men Who Led the Way Over the Divide." Part 1, AT, 23 April 1881, l; part 2, 30 April 1881, 1.

AT, 11 June 1881.

AT, 27 August 1881, 1.

"Aspen: History of the Mining Discoveries of Pitkin County." AT, 7 January 1882, 2.

AT, 18 February 1882, 2.

"Roaring Fork Valley." AT, 25 March 1882, 2.

"The Valley." AT, 1 April 1882, 2.

"Down the Roaring Fork." AT, 27 May 1882, 2.

AT, 3 June 1882, 1.

AT, 3 June 1882, 3.

"Vegetables." AT, 24 June 1882, 2.

"Ranch and Garden." AT, 1 July 1882, 3.

AT, 8 July 1882, 1.

"Ranch and Garden." AT, 8 July 1882, 3.

"Ranch and Garden." AT, 15 July 1882, 3.

AT, 15 July 1882, 2.

AT, 29 July 1882, 2.

AT, 29 July 1882, 3.

AT, 5 August 1882, 1.

AT, 5 August 1882, 3.

AT, 19 August 1882, 1.

"Ranch and Garden." AT, 19 August 1882, 3.

"A Summer Resort." AT, 26 August 1882, 3.

"Ranch and Garden." AT, 26 August 1882, 3.


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AT, 2 September 1882, 3.

"Ranch and Garden." AT, 9 September 1882, 3.

AT, 23 September 1882, 2.

AT, 30 September 1882, 2.

"The Ranches." AT, 24 March 1883, 2.

AT, 21 April 1883, 3.

AT, 5 May 1883, 4.

AT, 19 May 1883, 4.

AT, 26 May 1883, 4.

AT, 2 June 1883, 4.

AT, 30 June 1883.

AT, 11 August 1883, 4.

AT, 18 August 1883.

AT, 8 September 1883, 4.

"A Chance for a Grist Mill." AT, 15 September 1883, 1. "Agricultural Experiments." AT, 6 October 1883, 4.

AT, 13 October 1883, 1.

"Farming." AT, 13 October 1883, 4.

AT, 27 October 1883, 4.

AT, 30 October 1883, 4.

AT, 5 November 1883, 1

"Pitkin County's Proclivities to Wheat Raising." AT, 10 November 1883, 4.

AT, 17 November 1883, 4.

"Cramer's Wheat." AT, 17 November 1883, 1.

AT, l December 1883, 4.

AT, 15 December 1883, 4.

"Gleaning." AT, 15 December 1883, 1. "Capital Creek." AT, l January 1884, 6. "Farming Lands." AT, l January 1884, 6. "Pitkin County." AT, l January 1884, 7. AT, 5 January 1884, 2.

AT, 23 February 1884, 4.

"Garfield and Pitkin County's Agricultural Wealth." AT, 29 March 1884, 6. "Emma Notes." AT, 26 April 1884, 1.


AT, 10 May

1884, 1.

AT, 17 May

1884, 6.

AT, 24 May

1884, 6.

AT, 25 May

1884, 6.

AT, 31 May

1884, 6.

AT, 14 June

1884, 4.

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AT, 14 June 1884, 1.

AT, 21 June 1884, 4.

AT, 28 June 1884.

"Ranch Notes." AWT, 5 September 1885, 4.

"Our Ranchers." AWT, 19 September 1885, 4.

"Ranch Notes." AWT, 19 September 1885, 4.

"Our Ranches." AWT, 26 September 1885, 4.

"Ranch Notes." AWT, 26 September 1885, 4.

"Our Ranchers." AWT, 3 October 1885, 4.

"Ranch Notes." AWT, 3 October 1885, 4.

"Our Ranchers." AWT, 10 October 1885, 4.

"Our Ranchers." AWT, 17 October 1885, 4.

"Our Ranches." AWT, 24 October 1885, 4.

"Harvest Results." AWT, 3 December 1885, 4.

"Our Ranchers." AWT, 5 December 1885, 4.

"Notes from Woody." AWT, 12 December 1885, 4.

"Ir, Retrospect." ADT, 1 January 1886, 4.

"Roaring Fork Cattlemen." AWT, 9 January 1886, 2. "Grain in the Valley." RMS, 9 January 1886.

RMS, 16 January 1886, 2.

ADT, 23 January 1886, 4.

RMS, 23 January 1886.

"Glenwood Notes." RMS, 13 February 1886, 3.

"The Robinson Ranch." ADT, 7 March 1886, 3. "A Fine Lot of Horses." AWT, 1 May 1886, 1. "Nothing Stumps It." AWT, 15 May 1886, 2.

AWT, 22 May 1886, 2.

"The Roaring Fork and Red Mountain Ditch." AWT, 18 September 1886, 4.


image

"The Woody Races." AWT, 25 September 1886, 3.

AWT, 25 September 1886, 4.

AWT, 28 September 1886, 2.

AWT, 23 October 1886, 4.

"Blooded Horses." AWT, 23 April 1887, 2.

"Commissioner Bennett's Ranch." AWT, 23 April 1887, 4.

"R. C. Wilson's Ranch." AWT, 23 April 1887, 4.

ADT, 9 August 1887, 4.

"The Local Mirror." ADT, 11 August 1887, 4.

"Horse Stolen." AWT, 8 October 1887, 4.

"Roaring Fork Valley." AWT, 3 December 1887, 4.

"A Great Horse Ranch." ADT, 10 March 1889, 4.

ADT, 19 May 1889, 4.

"Cattle Dying." ADT, 9 March 1890, 2.

"The Cattle Loss." ADT, 21 March 1890, 4.

"Arrested for Stealing Horses." ADT, 10 August 1890, 4.

ADT, 9 November 1890, 4.

ADT, 13 November 1890, 4.

"The Highest Ranch in Colorado." ADT, 16 January 1891, 3.

"The Farms of Pitkin County." Denver Times, 31 December 1898, 30. "Roaring Fork Farmers Mad." Denver Times, 9 March 1899, 3.

Aspen Tribune, 14 February 1900, 4.

Rocky Mountain News, 18 February 1900.

"Great Convention," Glenwood Springs Avalanche Echo, 22 February 1900, 1. "Semi-Annual Gathering," Glenwood Springs Avalanche Echo, 1 March 1900, 1. Aspen Tribune, 24 August 1900, 4.

"The Races a Great Success." Aspen Tribune, 25 August 1900, 4.

Denver Republican, 27 August 1900.

"Down." Glenwood Springs Avalanche Echo, 20 December 1900, 1. "Farmers Club," Glenwood Springs Avalanche Echo, 20 December 1900, 1. "Guard Against Invasion." Denver Times, 3 August 1903, 3.

"Will Wipe Out Cattle Thieves." Denver Times, 4 August 1903, 2. "Our Forest Reserves." ADT, 29 September 1905, 1.

"'Boston' Wins Silver Cup." ADT, 30 September 1905, 1.


image

158

Glenwood Springs Avalanche Echo, 12 October 1905. Glenwood Springs Avalanche Echo, 7 December 1905, 3.

Glenwood Post, 10 March 1906.

"A Successful Opening." ADT, 4 October 1906, 1.

"Fair Now a Memory." ADT, 6 October 1906, 1. "Permanent Good to the City." ADT, 27 September 1907, 1. "Fair Passes into History." ADT, 5 October 1907, 1.

"Instructions for Farmers February 17." ADT, 14 January 1908, 1. "Pitkin County Stock Growers' Association," ADT, 17 January 1908, 1. "Political Influence Exerted." ADT, 23 January 1908, 1.

"National Association had Stormy Meeting." ADT, 24 January 1908, 1. "Fine Stock for Pitkin County." ADT, 28 January 1908, 1.

"Lew Tuescher is Going to be a Farmer." ADT, 5 February 1908, 1. "Farmers here in Force." ADT, 18 February 1908, 1.

Hayes, Mary Eshbaugh. "From This Valley the Old West is Going." AT, 4 April 1974, S­ C.


image

PITKIN COUNTY CLERK RECORDS


"Receipt." U. S. Receiver to Samuel Flanagan, 15 November 1883. Book B, p. 531. "Warranty Deed." Samuel Flanagan to Henry P. Cowenhoven, 22 December 1883. Book 3,

p. 36.


"Warranty Deed." Henry P. Cowenhoven to Jerome B. Wheeler, 8 March 1884. Book 3, p.

59.

"Warranty Deed." H. P. Cowenhoven to Catherine Brown 11 March 1884. Book 3, p. 51. "Warranty Deed." George F. Elrod to Henry P. Cowenhoven, 21 March 1884. Book 3, p.

48.


"Receipt." U. S. Receiver to John B. Stitzer, 12 May 1884. Book 27, p. 291, and book 17,

p. 121.

"Warranty Deed." John B. Stitzer to John R. Williams, 3 June 1884. Book 3, p. 57. "Warranty Deed." John R. Williams to Margarette Cowenhoven, 3 June 1884. Book 3, p.

58.


"Receipt." U. S. Receiver to William Stone, 13 July 1885. Book 19, p. 296.


"Warranty Deed." William E. Stone to David R. C. Brown, 19 August 1885. Book 3, p.

86.


"Quit Claim Deed." Catherine Brown to Henry P. Cowenhoven, 4 November 1885. Book 24, p. 512.


"Quit Claim Deed." D. R. C. Brown to Jerome B. Wheeler, 12 February 1886. Book 29, p.

74.


"Deed." H. P. Cowenhoven and Catherine Brown to J. B. Wheeler, 12 February 1886.

Book 3, p. 113.


"Warranty Deed." Margarette Cowenhoven to Jerome B. Wheeler, 12 February 1886. Book

3, p. 112.


"Quit Claim Deed." J. B. Wheeler to J. J. Hagerman, trustee, 11 May 1886. Book 29, p.

275,



image

"Warranty Deed." J. B. Wheeler to James J. Hagerman, trustee, 11 May 1886. Book 3, p.

136.


"Quit Claim Deed." J. J. Hagerman, trustee, to Henry C. Lowe, trustee, 18 January 1888.

Book 30, p. 499.


"Option." Colorado Midland Railway Company to M. L. Chapman, 1 August 1890. Book 80, p. 315.


"U. S. Patent." U. S. General Land Office to William Stone, 8 August 1890. Book 55, p.

32.


"U. S. Patent." U. S. General Land Office to John B. Stitzer, 20 October 1890. Book 55, p. 35.


"U. S. Patent." to U. S. General Land Office to Samuel Flanagan, 15 November 1890.

Book 55, p. 33.


"U. S. Patent." U. S. General Land Office to George Elrod, 15 November 1890. Book 55, p. 31.

"Deed." Henry C. Lowe, trustee, to James B. Wilbur, 9 December 1891. Book 92, p. 445. "Quit Claim Deed." James B. Wilbur to the Holden Smelting and Milling Company, 31

December 1891. Book 92, p. 443.


"Trustee's Deed." George Vallery, et al, trustees, to Albert E. Carlton, 18 September 1917.

Book 156, p. 48.


"Receiver's Deed." George Vallery, et al, trustees, to Albert E. Carlton, 18 September 1917. Book 156, p. 52.


"Quit Clain1 Deed." Albert E. Carlton to Colorado Midland Railroad, 5 March 1918. Book 156, p. 82.


"Warranty Deed." Colorado Midland Railroad to John and Mary Stapleton, 22 March 1918.

Book 156, p. 84


"Trust Deed." Public Trustee to John and Mary Stapleton, 22 March 1918. Book 156, p.

87.


"Warranty Deed." Mary Stapleton to Thomas Stapleton, 2 January 1920. Book 158, p. 18. "Notice of Dissolution." Colorado Midland Railroad, 28 April 1922, filed.


"Release of Deed of Trust." Public Trustee to A. E. Carlton, 11 February 1923. Book 159,

p. 274.


"Certificate of Purchase." Public Trustee to Albert E. Carlton, 9 May 1923. Book 159, p.

214


"Warranty Deed." Albert E. Carlton to Frank Marolt, Jr., et al, 1 March 1927. Book 158,

p. 316.

"Deed of Trust." Frank Marolt, Jr. et al to A. E. Carlton, 1 March 1927. Book 150, p. 434. "Warranty Deed." William Marolt to Frank, Rudolph and Stephen Marolt, 13 November

1929. Book 158, p. 416


"Quit Claim Deed." W. C. Tagert to Frank, Rudolph and Stephen Marolt, 16 May 1932.

Book 157, p. 356.


"Release of Deed of Trust." Public Trustee to Frank Marolt, et al, 28 September 1932.

Book 152, p. 546.



"Option." Frank and Stephen Marolt to Thomas J. Flynn, 3 February 1937. Book 162, p.

527.

"Heirship." County Court to Frank Marolt, et al, 10 November 1939. Book 167, p. 283. "Quit Claim Deed." William Marolt to Stephen and Frank Marolt, 23 February 1940. Book

157, p. 622.


"Quit Claim Deed." Heirs to Stephen and Frank Marolt, 23 February 1940. Book 157, p.

621.


"WaiTanty Deed." Frank Marolt to Stephen Marolt, 7 June 1940. Book 166, p. 147. "WaITanty Deed." Stephen Marolt to Frank Marolt, 7 June 1940. Book 166, p. 148. "Quit Claim Deed." Stephen to Frank Marolt, 7 June 1940. Book 170, p. 1.

"Administrator's Deed." Elsie H. Marolt to Michael Marolt, 23 September 1940. Book 167,

p. 316.


"WaITanty Deed." Elsie H. Marolt to Michael Marolt, 27 September 1940. Book 166, p.

158, 159.


"Administrator's Deed." Elsie H, Marolt to Michael Marolt, 18 December 1941. Book 167, p. 416.

"WaITanty Deed." Michael Marolt to L. P. Teas, 15 September 1943. Book 166, p. 248. "WaITanty Deed." Michael Marolt to Herbert R. Vandemoer, 16 April 1946. Book 166, p.

147.


"WaITanty Deed." Michael Marolt to Betty Harbour, 13 January 1950. Book 176, p. 29 and 9 July 1951, book 172 p. 186.


"WaITanty Deed." Michael Marolt to Louis and Irene Pastore, 15 August 1950. Book 172, p. 158.

"WaITanty Deed." Michael Marolt to Craig Lasley, 1 October 1951. Book 176, p. 117. "WaITanty Deed." Michael Marolt to Jaines and Mary Snobble, 6 November 1951. Book

172, p. 199.


"WaITanty Deed." Michael Marolt to Frederick Russell, 11 August 1952. Book 176, p. 185. "WaITanty Deed." Michael Mai·olt to John McTarnaghan, 6 April 1954. Book 176, p. 243.


"Warranty Deed." Michael Marolt to George and Genevieve McHose, 20 May 1954. Book 172, p. 318.

"Warranty Deed." Michael Marolt to Walter B. Mills, 15 April 1955. Book 180, p. 558. "Quit Claim Deed." Stephen Marolt to Walter Mills, 15 April 1956. Book 169, p. 437. "Warranty Deed." Michael Marolt to George and Elsie Rinker, 20 August 1957. Book 182,

p. 183.


"Wananty Deed." Michael Marolt to Leonard M. Thomas, 13 September 1957. Book 185,

p, 98.


"Rekase of Inheritance Tax Lien." Inheritance Tax Division to Michael Marolt, 30 July 1968. Book 235, p. 683.


"Decree of Heirship." Michael Marolt to Opal Matilda Marolt, et al, 18 May 1977. Book 3'.l8, p. 974.